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A Privately Owned Tax Funded Military - Blackwater/XE, IPOA Outsourced Recruitment
08-17-2010, 07:22 AM,
#1
A Privately Owned Tax Funded Military - Blackwater/XE, IPOA Outsourced Recruitment
I was wondering where the 100,000 contracted mercenaries on the periphery of Iraq alone were coming from. Suspicions confirmed.

Quote:Outsourcing the Iraq War: Mercenary Recruiters Turn to Latin America
Jul 1 2008
Eric Stoner

In October, Erik Prince, the 39-year-old CEO of Blackwater Worldwide, a leading private security company operating in Iraq, went into damage-control mode. Blackwater employees in Baghdad’s Nisour Square had killed 17 Iraqi civilians the previous month, causing an uproar and the suspension of official diplomatic convoys throughout the country for four days. Making the rounds with the media and testifying before Congress, Prince repeatedly said that his employees are not mercenaries, as critics contend. Citing the definition of a mercenary as “a professional soldier working for a foreign government,” Prince told the House Oversight Committee that in contrast, Blackwater’s employees are “Americans working for America, protecting Americans.”

This statement would come as a surprise—and a slap in the face—to the thousands of Latin Americans and others from outside the United States whom the company has hired to fill its contracts in Iraq since the war began. Greystone Limited, a Blackwater affiliate set up in 2004 in the tax haven of Barbados, has recruited Iraq security guards from countries throughout Latin America, including Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, El Salvador, Honduras, and Panama, as journalist Jeremy Scahill has reported.

But Blackwater is far from the only such company hiring “third-country nationals,” or employees who are not from the United States or Iraq. In the interest of improving profit margins, private military firms in Iraq are increasingly turning to the developing world for armed guards. Peter Singer, a leading expert on the private security industry at the Brookings Institution, has estimated that there are citizens from 30 countries employed as security contractors in Iraq. While ex-soldiers from the Balkans, Fiji, Nepal, the Philippines, South Africa, and Uganda are all common in Iraq, Latin America has proven to be a particularly fertile recruiting ground for these companies.

Latin America, says Adam Isacson, director of programs at the Center for International Policy, is a predictable site for U.S. mercenary companies to recruit personnel. In “what other region of the world are you going to find reasonably westernized people with military experience, in some cases with combat experience, who will work for low wages, who speak a language that a lot of our own military personnel speak,” he asks, noting that the U.S. Army is about a quarter Latino and that Latin America accounts for about 40% of U.S. military training programs worldwide. “It’s their natural ground to find people with military experience for whom $1,000 a month is a lot of money.”

One of the first people to recognize the role that Latin America could play in the booming new mercenary industry was José Miguel Pizarro Ovalle, a former arms broker. Indeed, it was Pizarro who “opened the door” for these firms to recruit in the region, as José Luis Gómez del Prado, head of the United Nations Working Group on the Use of Mercenaries, told Mother Jones magazine. A dual citizen of Chile and the United States, Pizarro served in the militaries of both countries and to this day defends the Pinochet dictatorship. After leaving the Marines as a translator for the U.S. Southern Command in 1999, Pizarro decided to cash in on his unique connections and began facilitating arms deals between Latin American militaries and U.S. manufacturers. Shortly after the United States invaded Iraq, he set his eyes on a new lucrative business opportunity: the provision of Chileans to mercenary companies.

In October 2003, Pizarro traveled to Blackwater’s headquarters in Moyock, North Carolina, to pitch the idea. Prince was receptive during their meeting and gave him the go-ahead. Pizarro returned immediately to Chile and placed a discreet ad in El Mercurio, the Santiago daily, looking for former military officers for “work abroad.” More than 1,000 applicants quickly responded, and by February 2004, Blackwater’s first batch of Chilean commandos, 77 of them, was on its way to Iraq. Offering the unusually high salary of about $3,000 per month, Blackwater began hiring a steady stream of Pizarro’s men for the “static protection” of State Department and Coalition Provisional Authority buildings. The Chileans were still a relative bargain, considering that former U.S. or British special forces can be paid as much as $1,000 per day in Iraq, according to The New York Times.

Pizarro soon branched out and began providing Chileans to Triple Canopy, another large private military company in Iraq, offering salaries of only $1,000 per month. This paltry sum—though an enormous amount for many Latin Americans—has since become the going rate for recruits throughout the region. All told, Pizarro says he contracted 756 Chileans for the two companies, and possibly others, while he was in business, Scahill reported. The actual number of Chileans in Iraq is undoubtedly higher, since mercenary firms also operate there clandestinely. Chilean senator Alejandro Navarro, an outspoken critic of the private war industry, has estimated that about 2,200 Chileans have been to Iraq and that 1,000 remain there, according to the Buenos Aires–based newspaper Página 12 and Chile’s Santiago Times.

The money may have been good for Pizarro, but controversy was never far behind. In order to skirt Chilean law, which prohibits “the act of providing or offering the services of private armed guards, in any form or designation, by any natural or artificial person,” Pizarro hired Chileans for Blackwater through Neskowin, a firm he set up in Uruguay, while using a different company called Global Guards, registered in Panama, for his business with Triple Canopy. And since paramilitary activity is also banned in Chile, the limited training that recruits received often took place either in Amman, Jordan, or in Iraq, once the Chileans arrived, as the UN Working Group found.

Reports surfaced shortly after this paramilitary pipeline between Chile and Iraq began flowing that Pizarro was posting flyers on military bases and using e-mail to lure active-duty military personnel to the private sector. One Chilean contractor who went to Iraq through one of Pizarro’s companies told the UN Working Group that 17 of his fellow active-duty soldiers “had requested leave to be recruited.”

Given the recent history of repressive regimes throughout the region, it is likely that many Latin Americans working for private military firms in Iraq have been responsible for human rights abuses in their home countries. For instance, Louis E. V. Nevaer reported in 2004: “Newspapers in Chile have estimated that approximately 37 Chileans in Iraq are seasoned veterans of the Pinochet era.” Some argue that this is merely a result of poor vetting, while others do not see it as an accident. As Tito Tricot, a former political prisoner who was tortured under the dictatorship in Chile, told Scahill, the Chileans working for these firms in Iraq “are valued for their expertise in kidnapping, torturing, and killing defenseless civilians.”

“What should be a national shame,” Tricot added, “turns into a market asset due to the privatization of the Iraq war.” In the end, Pizarro was fined and sentenced to 61 days in jail for his recruitment activity, a punishment that is not likely to dissuade many from following in his shoes. Nonetheless, he has appealed the sentence and is currently walking free. Meanwhile, Triple Canopy, which according to State Department figures relies far more on foreign hiring than Blackwater, filled its contract to protect the U.S. Embassy and other sites in Baghdad’s Green Zone by hiring recruits almost exclusively from Latin America (especially El Salvador, Nicaragua, Colombia, Chile, Peru, and Honduras), as Foreign Policy magazine noted. In 2005, a local subsidiary of Chicago-based Your Solutions began recruiting for the company in Honduras.

The company trained its recruits—including a group of Chileans who entered the country with tourist visas—at the former military base in Lepaterique. Located just outside Tegucigalpa, the base is a notorious legacy of the Contra war, having been used by Washington in the 1980s to train Nicaraguan counter-insurgents, as well as Honduras’s infamous Battalion 316 death squad. Echoing this gruesome past, one Triple Canopy trainee explained that he and his fellow recruits were instructed “to be heartless when it was up to us to kill someone, even if it was a child,” Agence France-Presse reported. After only several months in operation, the Honduran government fined Your Solutions and kicked the company out of the country for violating the law, which prohibits the training of foreign soldiers on its soil. Nevertheless, before the ax fell, Triple Canopy trained and sent at least 189 Hondurans and 105 Chileans to Iraq, according to the UN Working Group.

In the spring of 2003, public opinion in Latin America was vehemently, and overwhelmingly, opposed to the U.S. invasion of Iraq. Despite significant pressure from the Bush administration, only a handful of countries in the region joined the so-called Coalition of the Willing, contributing a combined total of slightly more than 1,000 soldiers to the U.S.-led war effort. While Latin America government officials’ recalcitrance on the war may have dealt a diplomatic blow to the United States, it did not stop thousands of poor ex-soldiers and former police officers throughout the region from performing essentially military functions in Iraq—under a corporate logo rather than their country’s flag.

The unprecedented privatization of the war in Iraq has given rise to a private military industry that was all but nonexistent 20 years ago. In the 1991 Gulf War, for example, there was one contractor for every 60 soldiers on the ground. While the exact number of private personnel in Iraq today is likely higher than official estimates, at least 180,000 private contractors are working there, according to recent government figures cited in the Los Angeles Times. As Scahill noted in congressional testimony, this makes the U.S. military—with roughly 160,000 troops in the country—the “junior partner in the coalition that’s occupying Iraq.”

Not only are far more contractors operating in war zones than in the past, but they are now responsible for many tasks that used to be carried out exclusively by the military. One of the most controversial roles being outsourced is armed protection for convoys, government facilities and diplomats. According to the Private Security Company Association of Iraq there are more than 180 such companies in operation that now employ 70,000 armed private security contractors in the country, and that number is only growing.

Established in 2005 to monitor this new industry, the UN Working Group on the Use of Mercenaries has warned that these so-called “security guards” are “in fact private soldiers militarily armed,” and that the companies that employ them in Iraq constitute “new expressions of mercenarism in the twenty-first century.”

One of those mercenaries was Mario Urquía, a 30-year veteran of the special forces in Honduras. Hired by Triple Canopy, Urquía guarded the U.S. Embassy in Iraq for a year and claims the company promised him U.S. citizenship once he completed his contract. Not only did that prove false, but he also says that he was never paid. “Not a single penny,” he told the Salt Lake Tribune. Urquía filed a complaint against Your Solutions with the Honduran authorities, as have at least 16 others, but his case is not being pursued because he is not currently in the country. After receiving death threats for sharing his story with the Honduran press and exposing those involved in Your Solutions’ operations there, Urquía was forced to flee the country.

Another Honduran guard badly injured his foot while in Iraq. Despite signing a contract that states the employer is responsible for providing medical and hospital insurance, he was not declared unfit for work and forced to man his lookout tower on crutches. Stories like these are not unique for those in the region who have worked for private security companies. According to the UN Working Group, the Hondurans who went to Iraq with Triple Canopy reported “irregularities in contracts, harsh working conditions with excessive working hours, wages partially paid or unpaid, ill-treatment and isolation, and lack of basic necessities such as medical treatment and sanitation.”

In a recent statement, Triple Canopy said it no longer recruits from either Honduras or Chile, but “continues to hire security personnel from Latin America to work in Iraq because they are diligent workers, reliable, professional and in some instances specifically requested by our U.S. government customers.” Since 2005, when the company was booted out of Honduras, most its recruits have come from Peru. In February 2007, one of Triple Canopy’s subcontractors indicated that the company had 1,130 Peruvians working in Iraq at the time. The stories of exploitation that they bring home, however, vary little from those of Hondurans and others. One group of five guards, for example, has filed a complaint against the company for sending them to work in Baghdad’s Red Zone, despite being hired to protect the Green Zone. Another guard says that for six days he was held in custody and isolation in degrading conditions after telling his supervisors that he planned on returning home.

Peruvian contractors, much like those from other countries, have little legal recourse when something goes wrong. Their contracts stipulate that they voluntarily accept every risk “known and unknown,” and exonerate Triple Canopy from any liability even if the contractor is harmed by the company itself. Often signing their contracts in a rush on the way to the airport, the Peruvians are also likely unaware that any claims against the company must be filed in a court in Virginia, where Triple Canopy is headquartered. In fact, in some countries security contractors have said that they were given a contract to sign only once they were on the plane, at which point they realized that their salary would be much less than promised.

While private security outfits have run into trouble in some countries, many others continue with business as usual. “Not only has this phenomenon not stopped,” says Amada Benavides de Pérez, a member of the UN Working Group, but recruitment in Latin America actually “has been increasing.” To address this problem, Benavides proposes a two-pronged strategy: strengthening laws at both the national and international level, and passing a regional treaty, similar to the 1977 convention against mercenaries that exists for Africa.

In the end, however, it comes down to supply and demand. Without reversing the radical privatization agenda that has taken hold in Washington, the U.S. war machine will inevitably continue to rely on private forces. Indeed, it is in the interest of pro-war U.S. policy makers to outsource the human costs of war for as long as possible.
https://nacla.org/node/4805

It ain't just Blackwater/XE either. The IPOA has listed these members. XE has asked to be removed from the list so it's likely far from a complete roster of shell corporations involved in the privatization of the military.

Quote:1 AECOM Technology Corporation
2 Agility
3 Air Charter Service PLC
4 AMECO
5 American Glass Products
6 ARINC Engineering Services LLC
7 ArmorGroup
8 Baker Tilly
9 Burton Rands Associates
10 Crowell & Moring LLP
11 Cyrus Strategies LLP
12 DLA Piper LLP
13 DynCorp International
14 Ecolog International
15 EOD Technology, Inc.
16 Exploration Logistics
17 Frank Crystal & Company
18 FSI Worldwide
19 GardaWorld
20 Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP
21 Global Fleet Sales
22 Global Operations Resources Group, Inc.
23 Gold Coast Helicopters
24 Harbor Homes (Associate Member)
25 Hart
26 Holland & Hart LLP
27 International Armored Group
28 J-3 Global Services
29 Medical Support Solutions
30 MineWolf Systems (Associate Member)
31 Mission Essential Personnel
32 MPRI
33 New Century
34 Olive Group
35 OSSI, Inc.
36 Overseas Lease Group, Inc.
37 Paramount Logistics
38 Pax Mondial Limited
39 RA International
40 Reed, Inc.
41 Relyant
42 Rutherfoord
43 Securiforce International America, LLC
44 Securiguard, Inc.
45 Security Support Solutions (3S)
46 Shield International Security
47 Shook, Hardy & Bacon LLP
48 SOC Inc.
49 SOS International, Ltd.
50 Tangiers International
51 Threat Management Group
52 Triple Canopy*
53 Unity Resources Group
54 URS Federal Services
55 Vertical de Aviación Ltda
56 Whitney, Bradley & Brown, Inc.
57 Worldwide Shelters LLC
http://ipoaworld.org/eng/ipoamembers.html

* replaced Blackwater/XE as the official primary contracter in Iraq

International Peace Operations Association
http://ipoaworld.org/

A comprehensive resource on private military ops.
Rebel Reports
http://rebelreports.com/

Here's a recent Jeremy Scahill video on C-Span, I have yet to view it yet. I'm curious as to his WikiLeaks angle. http://CampusProgress.org hosted this conference.

Quote:Video: Iraq War, Blackwater, and WikiLeaks
Aug 13, 2010
1 hour, 5 minutes

Jeremy Scahill talked to students about the practice of investigative journalism and holding officials accountable. In his remarks he focused on the war in Iraq, Blackwater contracts, and the publishing of classified information by WikiLeaks. He also responded to questions from the audience.
http://www.c-spanvideo.org/program/295036-1
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Reply
09-15-2010, 06:35 AM,
#2
RE: A Privately Owned Tax Funded Military - Blackwater/XE, IPOA Outsourced Recruitment
Ignore the anti-US sentiment by AP NYT and RAW Story - we're past that right? Allowing a private military / mercanry force that goes to the highest bidder that is funded and built upon by taxpayer dollars and has access to government and military technology is the primary issue here.

Quote:Revealed: After Baghdad massacre, Blackwater split into 30 shell companies
By The Associated Press
Saturday, September 4th, 2010 -- 10:53 am

30 False Fronts Won Contracts for Blackwater (New York Times):

Blackwater Worldwide created a web of more than 30 shell companies or subsidiaries in part to obtain millions of dollars in American government contracts after the security company came under intense criticism for reckless conduct in Iraq, according to Congressional investigators and former Blackwater officials.

While it is not clear how many of those businesses won contracts, at least three had deals with the United States military or the Central Intelligence Agency, according to former government and company officials. Since 2001, the intelligence agency has awarded up to $600 million in classified contracts to Blackwater and its affiliates, according to a United States government official.

The Senate Armed Services Committee this week released a chart that identified 31 affiliates of Blackwater, now known as Xe Services. The network was disclosed as part of a committee’s investigation into government contracting. The investigation revealed the lengths to which Blackwater went to continue winning contracts after Blackwater guards killed 17 Iraqi civilians in Baghdad in September 2007. That episode and other reports of abuses led to criminal and Congressional investigations, and cost the company its lucrative security contract with the State Department in Iraq.

The network of companies — which includes several businesses located in offshore tax havens — allowed Blackwater to obscure its involvement in government work from contracting officials or the public, and to assure a low profile for any of its classified activities, said former Blackwater officials, who, like the government officials, spoke only on condition of anonymity.

Senator Carl Levin, the Michigan Democrat who is chairman of the Armed Services Committee, said in a statement that it was worth “looking into why Blackwater would need to create the dozens of other names” and said he had requested that the Justice Department investigate whether Blackwater officers misled the government when using subsidiaries to solicit contracts.

The C.I.A.’s continuing relationship with the company, which recently was awarded a $100 million contract to provide security at agency bases in Afghanistan, has drawn harsh criticism from some members of Congress, who argue that the company’s tarnished record should preclude it from such work. At least two of the Blackwater-affiliated companies, XPG and Greystone, obtained secret contracts from the agency, according to interviews with a half dozen former Blackwater officials.

A C.I.A. spokesman, Paul Gimigliano, said that Xe’s current duties for the agency were to provide security for agency operatives. Contractors “do the tasks we ask them to do in strict accord with the law; they are supervised by C.I.A. staff officers; and they are held to the highest standards of conduct” he said. “As for Xe specifically, they help provide security in tough environments, an assignment at which their people have shown both skill and courage.”

Report: Blackwater created shell companies (AP):

The security company Blackwater Worldwide formed a network of 30 shell companies and subsidiaries to try to get millions of dollars in government business after the company faced strong criticism for reckless conduct in Iraq, The New York Times reported.

The newspaper said Friday that it was unclear how many of the created companies got American contracts but that at least three of them obtained work with the U.S. military and the CIA.

Sen. Carl Levin, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, has asked the Justice Department to see whether Blackwater misled the government when using the subsidiaries to gain government contracts, according to the Times.

It said Levin’s committee found that North Carolina-based Blackwater, which now is known as Xe Services, went to great lengths to find ways to get lucrative government work despite criminal charges and criticism stemming from a 2007 incident in which Blackwater guards killed 17 Iraqi civilians. A committee chart outlines the web of Blackwater subsidiaries.

Messages left late Friday with spokespeople for the Michigan Democrat and Xe were not immediately answered.

The 2007 incident and other reports of abuses by Blackwater employees in Iraq led to criminal investigations and congressional hearings, and resulted in the company losing a lucrative contract with the State Department to provide security in Iraq.

But recently the company was awarded a $100 million contract to provide security for the agency in Afghanistan, prompting criticism from some in Congress. CIA Director Leon Panetta said that the CIA had no choice but to hire the company because it underbid others by $26 million and that a CIA review concluded that the contractor had cleaned up its act.
http://publicintelligence.net/blackwater-used-more-than-30-front-companies-to-obtain-government-contracts/

Here's something harder for our continued research and dot connecting.

Quote:Blackwater/Xe Services LLC Front Companies Chart

* View Interactive Flash Version
* View PDF Version

   

List of Front Companies


Prince Group LLC
Michigan LLC
President: Erik D. Prince
Description of Services: Manager of Xe Services LLC, and the parent company of Total Intelligence Solutions LLC and its affiliated companies

Xe Services LLC
(f/k/a EP Investments, L.L.C.)
Delaware LLC
Member: Erik D. Prince
Manager: Prince Group, LLC
President: Joseph Yorio
Ex. VP/COO: Danielle Esposito
Ex. VP/CSO: Fred Roitz
Sr. VP/Facility Svcs & Logistics: Todd Shaw
CFO: Mike Taylor
VP Facility Services: Jim Dehart
VP Export Compliance: Karen Jones
VP Risk Manager: Bryan Salek
VP of Budgets and Analysis: John Altizer
VP of WPPS Programs: Tony Valusek
Acting General Counsel: David Hammond
Secretary: Fred Roitz
Description of Services: Provides private sector solutions to US Government and Non-US Government clients

Total Intelligence Solutions LLC
Chairman: Erik D. Prince
Acting Pres: Victor Esposito
Acting COO: Melinda Redman
Secretary: Melinda Redman
Description of Services: Provides risk management and security services to Fortune 500 and Government clients

Technical Defense, Inc.
Chairman: Erik D. Prince
Acting Pres: Victor Esposito
Acting COO: Melinda Redman
Secretary: Melinda Redman
Description of Services: Provides information technology security assessments

Terrorism Research Center, Inc.
Chairman: Erik D.Prince
Acting Pres: Victor Esposito
Acting COO: Melinda Redman
Secretary: Melinda Redman
Description of Services: Provides training services to US and foreign military, intelligence communities, and law enforcement clients

Apex Management Solutions LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: XeServices LLC
Manager: Xe Services LLC
President/Secretary/Treasurer: Pending
Description of Services: Provides management services to Samarus-owned companies

Aviation Worldwide Services LLC
Florida LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Manager: Richard Pere
Description of Services: Holding company that owns subordinate operating companies, some aircraft utilized by its subordinates

Air Quest, Inc.
Florida Corp.
Shareholder: AWS
President: Richard Pere
VP: Timothy Childrey
Secretary: John Hight
Treasurer: Richard Pere
Description of Services: FAA Part 125 aircraft carrier [check for planes]

Backup Training LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Manager: Xe Services LLC
President: Richard Gallia
Description of Services: Creates instructional videos and DVD’s

EP Aviation LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Managers: Chris Burgess & Robert Tanenholt
Description of Services: Owns and leases aircraft [check planes]

Presidential Airways Inc.
Florida Corp.
Shareholder: AWS
President: Richard Pere
VP: Timothy Childrey
Secretary: John Hight
Treasurer: Richard Pere
Description of Services: FAA Part 135 aircraft carrier [check planes]

Blackwater Proshop LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Manager: Michele Bogo
Description of Services: Retail shop for Blackwater, US Training Center and Xe items

EP Management Services LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Managers: Xe Services LLC
Description of Services: Provides management and general and administrative services to all Xe companies

Guardian Flight Systems LLC
(f/k/a Blackwater Airships LLC)
Delaware LLC
Member: AWS
Manager: Richard Pere
Description of Services: Unmanned airships [check planes]

BWT Services LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Manager: Xe Services LLC
President: Carol Bruce
Description of Services: Supports travel all Xe companies

GSD Manaufacturing LLC
(f/k/a Blackwater Target Systems LLC)
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Manager: Xe Servcies LLC
Description of Services: Builds target systems

STI Aviation Inc.
Florida Corp.
Shareholder: AWS
President: Richard Pere
VP: Timothy Childrey
Secretary: John Hight
Treasurer: Richard Pere
Description of Services: FAA Part 145 repair station [check planes]

E & J Holdings LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Manager: Xe Services LLC
Description of Services: Real Estate holding company

Samarus CO LTD
Cyprus
Member: Xe Services LLC
Director: Chris Burgess
Description of Services: Foreign holding company

Greystone LTD
Barbados
Chris Burgess, Managing Director
Robert Tanenholt, Director
Description of Services: Provides training, security services, and aviation-related training and personnel

E & J Leasing LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Manager: Xe Services LLC
Description of Services: Real Estate leasing company

XPG LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Acting Manager: Victor Esposito
Description of Services: Provides classified services

Greystone SRL
Barbados
Chris Burgess, Manager
Robert Tanenholt, Manager
Description of Services: Provides training and security services

Paravant LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Manager: Hugh Middleton
Description of Services: Provides training services

Pelagian Maritime LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Manager: Xe Services LLC
Description of Services: Holding company/owner of the McArthur ship

Salamis Aviation LLC
Bahamas
Chris Burgess, President
Description of Services: Aviation asset holding company [check planes]

Al-Zulama Company
Iraq
Chris Burgess, Managing Director
Description of Services: Provides security services within the country of Iraq

Raven Development Group LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: Xe Services LLC
Manager: Xe Services LLC
Description of Services: Provides construction and facilities maintenance

U.S.Training Center, Inc.
(f/k/a Blackwater Lodge and Training Center, Inc.)
Delaware Corp
President: Jim Sierawski
VP: John LaDelfa
Secretary: Fred Roitz
Treasurer: Adam Burke
Description of Services: Provides security, training, and logistics services

Blackwater West LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: U.S.T.C.
Manager: U.S.T.C.
Description of Services: Provides same services as USTC for California and surrounding western states

ARES Holdings, Inc.
Virginia LLC (49% ownership)
Description of Services: Engineering and R&D company

Blackwater Security Consulting LLC
Delaware LLC
Member: U.S.T.C.
Manager: U.S.T.C
Description of Services: Provides training and security services
http://publicintelligence.net/blackwaterxe-front-companies-chart/


Attached Files
.pdf   BlackwaterFronts.pdf (Size: 480.25 KB / Downloads: 84)
There are no others, there is only us.
http://FastTadpole.com/
Reply
09-16-2010, 07:47 AM,
#3
RE: A Privately Owned Tax Funded Military - Blackwater/XE, IPOA Outsourced Recruitment
Quote:(U//FOUO) US Forces-Afghanistan Private Security Contractor Management
12 September 2010

Entire PDF Report:
http://info.publicintelligence.net/AfghanContractorManagement.pdf

Summary

UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY.
OPER/ENDURING FREEDOM//
MSGID/ORDER/USFOR-A//
REF/A/MSG/USFOR-A 160830ZOCT08//
AMPN/ (S//REL) USFOR-A OPORD 08-01 ESTABLISHMENT OF USFOR-A IN CJOA-AFGHANISTAN//
REF/B/MSG/USCENTCOM/041701ZOCT08//
AMPN/ (S//REL) CENTCOM FRAGO 07-565 ESTABLISHMENT OF USFOR-A//
REF/C/MSG/NDAA//
AMPN/ (S//REL) NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT (NDAA) OF 2009//
REF/D/MSG/251625ZFEB09//
AMPN/ (S//REL) DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE (DOD) ARMED CONTRACTORS AND PRIVATE SECRUITY COMPANIES (AC/PSC’S)//
REF/E/MSG/DOD INSTRUCTION//
AMPN/ (S//REL) DOD INSTURCTION 3020.50 PRIVATE SECURITY CONTRACTORS (PSC’S) OPERATING IN CONTINGENCY AREAS//
ORDTYPE/FRAGORD/USFOR-A/JOC/SEP//
TIMEZONE/Z//

NARR/ (S//REL) THIS IS USFOR-A FRAGO 09-206 THAT OUTLINES MANAGEMENT OF ARMED CONTRACTORS AND PRIVATE SECURITY COMPANIES OPERATING IN THE COMBINED JOINT OPERATING AREA – AFGHANISTAN.//

GENTEXT/SITUATION/

1. (U) SITUATION.

1.A. (U) GENERAL. OPERATIONS IN AFGHANISTAN REQUIRE ARMED CONTRACTORS (ACS) AND PRIVATE SECURITY COMPANIES (PSCS) TO FULFILL A VARIETY OF IMPORTANT SECURITY FUNCTIONS FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, DEPARTMENT OF STATE, AND OTHER ENTITIES OPERATING IN THE COMBINED JOINT OPERATIONS AREA – AFGHANISTAN (CJOA-A). INCLUDED IN THESE ARMED CONTRACTORS AND PRIVATE SECURITY COMPANIES ARE TRADITIONAL PRIVATE SECURITY COMPANIES, THE AFGHAN SECURITY GUARDS AND DOD CONTRACTORS WHO ARE ARMED FOR PERSONAL PROTECTION. TRADITIONAL PSC’S PERFORM CONVOY ESCORT, STATIC SECURITY AND PERSONAL SECURITY DETAILS. AFGHAN SECURITY GUARDS (ASG’S) PROVIDE LOCAL STATIC SECURITY TO FOB’S, COP’S AND OTHER INFRASTRUCTURE WITH LOCAL AFGHAN COMPANIES. DOD CONTRACTORS MAY BE ARMED EITHER AS A FUNCTION THE SERVICE THEY PROVIDE OR THEIR OPERATING LOCATION. THESE AC/PSC’S ARE NOT COMBATANTS; THEY EXECUTE SERVICES TO PROTECT PERSONNEL, SUPPLIES AND EQUIPMENT AND FIXED FACILITIES. WEAPONS EMPLOYED BY AC/PSCS ARE FOR PURELY DEFENSIVE PURPOSES ONLY. THE TERMS ARMED CONTRACTOR, PRIVATE SECURITY COMPANY, OR CONTRACTOR PERSONNEL, INCLUDES ALL PERSONNEL DIRECTLY EMPLOYED BY THE CONTRACTOR AT ANY TIER OF CONTRACT OR SUBCONTRACT. THIS FRAGO APPLIES TO ALL ARMED CONTRACTORS PROVIDING SERVICE ON DOD CONTRACTS. 1.A.1. (U) REQUIREMENT OF AC/PSC SERVICES. THE INTENT OF THESE CONTRACTED SERVICES IS TO “FREE” JOINT FORCES TO CONDUCT MILITARY OPERATIONS AND OTHER INHERENTLY GOVERNMENTAL FUNCTIONS. AS THE CJOA-A EXPERIENCES BOTH THE BUILDING OF COMBAT POWER AS WELL AS THE PARALLEL CIVILIAN UPLIFT EFFORT, THE RELIANCE ON CONTRACTED SERVICES TO INCLUDE AC’S/PSC’S IS LIKELY TO INCREASE. AC/PSC SERVICES ARE NECESSARY TO SECURE INSTALLATIONS AND OTHER INFRASTRUCTURE, CONDUCT MOVEMENT SUPPORT FOR SUSTAINMENT, TRAIN AFGHAN FORCES TO PROFICIENCY, AND TRANSPORT KEY PERSONNEL THROUGH THE CJOA-A.

1.B. (U) FRIENDLY FORCES. NO CHANGE.

1.C. ENEMY FORCES. NO CHANGE.//

GENTEXT/MISSION/

2. (U) MISSION. NO CHANGE.//

GENTEXT/EXECUTION/

3. (U) EXECUTION.

3.A. (U) COMMANDER’S INTENT.

3.A.1. (U) PURPOSE. REQUIREMENT OF AC/PSC SERVICES. THE INTENT OF THESE CONTRACTED SERVICES IS TO “FREE” JOINT FORCES TO CONDUCT MILITARY OPERATIONS AND OTHER INHERENTLY GOVERNMENTAL FUNCTIONS. AS THE CJOA-A EXPERIENCES BOTH THE BUILDING OF COMBAT POWER AS WELL AS THE PARALLEL CIVILIAN UPLIFT EFFORT, THE RELIANCE ON CONTRACTED SERVICES TO INCLUDE AC’S/PSC’S IS LIKELY TO INCREASE. AC/PSC SERVICES ARE NECESSARY TO SECURE INSTALLATIONS AND OTHER INFRASTRUCTURE, CONDUCT MOVEMENT SUPPORT FOR SUSTAINMENT, TRAIN AFGHAN FORCES TO PROFICIENCY, AND TRANSPORT KEY PERSONNEL THROUGH THE CJOA-A.

3.A.2. (U) METHOD. USFOR-A EXECUTES CONTINUOUS MANAGEMENT, COORDINATION AND MONITORING OF DOD CONTRACTED ARMED CONTRACTORS/PRIVATE SECURITY COMPANY ACTIVITIES THROUGHOUT THE CJOA-A. TO FACILITATE THIS MANAGEMENT THE COMMAND EXECUTES LIAISON WITH ITS MAJOR SUBORDINATE COMMANDS (MSCS), THE INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ASSISTANCE FORCE (ISAF)

1.B. (U) FRIENDLY FORCES. NO CHANGE.

1.C. ENEMY FORCES. NO CHANGE.//

GENTEXT/MISSION/

2. (U) MISSION. NO CHANGE.//

GENTEXT/EXECUTION/

3. (U) EXECUTION.

3.A. (U) COMMANDER’S INTENT.

3.A.1. (U) PURPOSE. REQUIREMENT OF AC/PSC SERVICES. THE INTENT OF THESE CONTRACTED SERVICES IS TO “FREE” JOINT FORCES TO CONDUCT MILITARY OPERATIONS AND OTHER INHERENTLY GOVERNMENTAL FUNCTIONS. AS THE CJOA-A EXPERIENCES BOTH THE BUILDING OF COMBAT POWER AS WELL AS THE PARALLEL CIVILIAN UPLIFT EFFORT, THE RELIANCE ON CONTRACTED SERVICES TO INCLUDE AC’S/PSC’S IS LIKELY TO INCREASE. AC/PSC SERVICES ARE NECESSARY TO SECURE INSTALLATIONS AND OTHER INFRASTRUCTURE, CONDUCT MOVEMENT SUPPORT FOR SUSTAINMENT, TRAIN AFGHAN FORCES TO PROFICIENCY, AND TRANSPORT KEY PERSONNEL THROUGH THE CJOA-A.

3.A.2. (U) METHOD. USFOR-A EXECUTES CONTINUOUS MANAGEMENT, COORDINATION AND MONITORING OF DOD CONTRACTED ARMED CONTRACTORS/PRIVATE SECURITY COMPANY ACTIVITIES THROUGHOUT THE CJOA-A. TO FACILITATE THIS MANAGEMENT THE COMMAND EXECUTES LIAISON WITH ITS MAJOR SUBORDINATE COMMANDS (MSCS), THE INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ASSISTANCE FORCE (ISAF)
EFFORT, THE GOVERNMENT OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF AFGHANISTAN (GIROA), AND THE UNITED STATES EMBASSY (USEMB), IN ADDITION TO THE INDIVIDUAL AC/PSC COMPANIES. ON ORDER, USFOR-A ESTABLISHES MANAGEMENT OF CONTRACTOR MOVEMENTS WITHIN CJOA-A THROUGH PLANNING, TRACKING AND INCIDENT RESPONSE SYSTEMS AND PROCEDURES.

3.A.3. (U) ENDSTATE. THE DESIRED END STATE IS THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THEATER-WIDE COMMON REQUIREMENTS, POLICIES, AND PROCEDURES GOVERNING US GOVERNMENT (USG) AC’S/PSC’S OPERATING IN CJOA-A. THIS COMMON FRAMEWORK FACILITATES THE HIRING OF SUFFICIENT TRAINED AND LICENSED PSC’S NECESSARY TO ACCOMPLISH REQUIRED SECURITY MISSIONS AND PROVIDES USFOR-A WITH TRANSPARENCY OF CURRENT AND FUTURE AC/PSC OPERATIONS, OVERSIGHT OF THESE ACTIVITIES WITH FORCES IN THE CJOA-A, AND A REDUCTION IN THE LIKELIHOOD OF AC/PSC INCIDENTS.

3.B. (U) CONCEPT OF OPERATIONS. USFOR-A, AS THE TITLE 10 COMMAND IN AFGHANISTAN, IS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE OVERSIGHT OF ALL DOD-CONTRACTED AC’S/PSC’S WITHIN THE CJOA-A. THIS OVERSIGHT CONSISTS OF ESTABLISHING POLICIES, PROCEDURES, AND PROCESSES THROUGH THE MSCS WHO EMPLOY THESE AC/PSCS. USFOR-A PROVIDES SUBJECT MATTER EXPERTISE TO THE SUPPORTED REQUIRING ACTIVITIES ON AC/PSC OPERATIONS. MECHANISMS WILL BE EMPLOYED TO TRACK/DE-CONFLICT MOVEMENTS, VERIFY ATTACKS AND/OR INCIDENTS, AND/OR MEDEVAC SUPPORT. USFOR-A RECEIVES REPORTING REGARDING INCIDENTS OF AC/PSC ATTACK BY ANTI-AFGHANISTAN FORCES (AAF), INCIDENTS OF ESCALATION OF FORCE BY AC/PSCS, ACCIDENTS WITH LOSS OF LIFE/INJURY OR SIGNIFICANT PROPERTY DAMAGE. THE COMMAND PROVIDES INFORMATION TO USCENTCOM AND OTHER DOD/USG AGENCIES REGARDING AC/PSC EMPLOYMENT AND ACTIVITIES IN THEATER. THE COMMAND EXECUTES A PERIODIC JOINT INTERAGENCY INCIDENT REVIEW BOARD (JIIRB) WITH PARTICIPATION FROM THE USFOR-A STAFF, MSCS, CONTRACTING AGENCIES, AND USEMB TO EXAMINE AC/PSC INCIDENTS. THIS JIIRB IS NOT AN INVESTIGATIVE EFFORT; HOWEVER, IT EXAMINES INCIDENTS TO DEVELOP LESSONS LEARNED, IDENTIFY ISSUES CONTRIBUTING TO THE INCIDENTS AND RECOMMEND MITIGATION TO PREVENT AND/OR LIMIT THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF A FUTURE INCIDENT. RECOMMENDED MITIGATION MAY BE A COMBINATION OF POLICIES, PROCEDURES, TACTICS, TECHNIQUES AND MATERIEL SOLUTIONS. IMPLEMENTATION OF USFOR-A OVERSIGHT WILL OCCUR IN FOUR PHASES – ARMED CONTRACTOR OVERSIGHT DIRECTORATE (ACOD) ESTABLISHMENT AND INTEGRATION, POLICY/ PROCEDURES IMPLEMENTATION FOR INCIDENT MANAGEMENT OF AC’S/PSC’S, ACQUISITION OF VISIBILITY CAPABILITIES FOR AC/PSC OPERATIONS, AND SUSTAINING AND IMPROVING OVERSIGHT. THESE PHASES WILL GENERALLY BE EXECUTED SEQUENTIALLY; HOWEVER WITH THE “BUILDING OF COMBAT POWER” AS WELL AS THE “CIVILIAN UPLIFT EFFORT”; STAGES OF IMPLEMENTATION MAY VARY FROM REGION TO REGION THROUGHOUT THE CJOA-A AND MAY PROGRESS INDEPENDENTLY.
http://publicintelligence.net/ufouo-us-forces-afghanistan-private-security-contractor-management/
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09-17-2010, 02:08 PM,
#4
RE: A Privately Owned Tax Funded Military - Blackwater/XE, IPOA Outsourced Recruitment
Well surprise it seems that there are some notable corporate connections to the now sliced and diced Blackwater/XE.

Quote:Blackwater's Black Ops
Jeremy Scahill
September 15, 2010

Over the past several years, entities closely linked to the private security firm Blackwater have provided intelligence, training and security services to US and foreign governments as well as several multinational corporations, including Monsanto, Chevron, the Walt Disney Company, Royal Caribbean Cruise Lines and banking giants Deutsche Bank and Barclays, according to documents obtained by The Nation. Blackwater's work for corporations and government agencies was contracted using two companies owned by Blackwater's owner and founder, Erik Prince: Total Intelligence Solutions and the Terrorism Research Center (TRC). Prince is listed as the chairman of both companies in internal company documents, which show how the web of companies functions as a highly coordinated operation. Officials from Total Intelligence, TRC and Blackwater (which now calls itself Xe Services) did not respond to numerous requests for comment for this article.

One of the most incendiary details in the documents is that Blackwater, through Total Intelligence, sought to become the "intel arm" of Monsanto, offering to provide operatives to infiltrate activist groups organizing against the multinational biotech firm.

Governmental recipients of intelligence services and counterterrorism training from Prince's companies include the Kingdom of Jordan, the Canadian military and the Netherlands police, as well as several US military bases, including Fort Bragg, home of the elite Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC), and Fort Huachuca, where military interrogators are trained, according to the documents. In addition, Blackwater worked through the companies for the Defense Intelligence Agency, the Defense Threat Reduction Agency and the US European Command.

On September 3 the New York Times reported that Blackwater had "created a web of more than 30 shell companies or subsidiaries in part to obtain millions of dollars in American government contracts after the security company came under intense criticism for reckless conduct in Iraq." The documents obtained by The Nation reveal previously unreported details of several such companies and open a rare window into the sensitive intelligence and security operations Blackwater performs for a range of powerful corporations and government agencies. The new evidence also sheds light on the key roles of several former top CIA officials who went on to work for Blackwater.

The coordinator of Blackwater's covert CIA business, former CIA paramilitary officer Enrique "Ric" Prado, set up a global network of foreign operatives, offering their "deniability" as a "big plus" for potential Blackwater customers, according to company documents. The CIA has long used proxy forces to carry out extralegal actions or to shield US government involvement in unsavory operations from scrutiny. In some cases, these "deniable" foreign forces don't even know who they are working for. Prado and Prince built up a network of such foreigners while Blackwater was at the center of the CIA's assassination program, beginning in 2004. They trained special missions units at one of Prince's properties in Virginia with the intent of hunting terrorism suspects globally, often working with foreign operatives. A former senior CIA official said the benefit of using Blackwater's foreign operatives in CIA operations was that "you wouldn't want to have American fingerprints on it."

While the network was originally established for use in CIA operations, documents show that Prado viewed it as potentially valuable to other government agencies. In an e-mail in October 2007 with the subject line "Possible Opportunity in DEA—Read and Delete," Prado wrote to a Total Intelligence executive with a pitch for the Drug Enforcement Administration. That executive was an eighteen-year DEA veteran with extensive government connections who had recently joined the firm. Prado explained that Blackwater had developed "a rapidly growing, worldwide network of folks that can do everything from surveillance to ground truth to disruption operations." He added, "These are all foreign nationals (except for a few cases where US persons are the conduit but no longer 'play' on the street), so deniability is built in and should be a big plus."

The executive wrote back and suggested there "may be an interest" in those services. The executive suggested that "one of the best places to start may be the Special Operations Division, (SOD) which is located in Chantilly, VA," telling Prado the name of the special agent in charge. The SOD is a secretive joint command within the Justice Department, run by the DEA. It serves as the command-and-control center for some of the most sensitive counternarcotics and law enforcement operations conducted by federal forces. The executive also told Prado that US attachés in Mexico; Bogotá, Colombia; and Bangkok, Thailand, would potentially be interested in Prado's network. Whether this network was activated, and for what customers, cannot be confirmed. A former Blackwater employee who worked on the company's CIA program declined to comment on Prado's work for the company, citing its classified status.

In November 2007 officials from Prince's companies developed a pricing structure for security and intelligence services for private companies and wealthy individuals. One official wrote that Prado had the capacity to "develop infrastructures" and "conduct ground-truth and security activities." According to the pricing chart, potential customers could hire Prado and other Blackwater officials to operate in the United States and globally: in Latin America, North Africa, francophone countries, the Middle East, Europe, China, Russia, Japan, and Central and Southeast Asia. A four-man team headed by Prado for countersurveillance in the United States cost $33,600 weekly, while "safehouses" could be established for $250,000, plus operational costs. Identical services were offered globally. For $5,000 a day, clients could hire Prado or former senior CIA officials Cofer Black and Robert Richer for "representation" to national "decision-makers." Before joining Blackwater, Black, a twenty-eight-year CIA veteran, ran the agency's counterterrorism center, while Richer was the agency's deputy director of operations. (Neither Black nor Richer currently works for the company.)

As Blackwater became embroiled in controversy following the Nisour Square massacre, Prado set up his own company, Constellation Consulting Group (CCG), apparently taking some of Blackwater's covert CIA work with him, though he maintained close ties to his former employer. In an e-mail to a Total Intelligence executive in February 2008, Prado wrote that he "recently had major success in developing capabilities in Mali [Africa] that are of extreme interest to our major sponsor and which will soon launch a substantial effort via my small shop." He requested Total Intelligence's help in analyzing the "North Mali/Niger terrorist problem."

In October 2009 Blackwater executives faced a crisis when they could not account for their government-issued Secure Telephone Unit, which is used by the CIA, the National Security Agency and other military and intelligence services for secure communications. A flurry of e-mails were sent around as personnel from various Blackwater entities tried to locate the device. One former Blackwater official wrote that because he had left the company it was "not really my problem," while another declared, "I have no 'dog in this fight.'" Eventually, Prado stepped in, e-mailing the Blackwater officials to "pass my number" to the "OGA POC," meaning the Other Government Agency (parlance for CIA) Point of Contact.

What relationship Prado's CCG has with the CIA is not known. An early version of his company's website boasted that "CCG professionals have already conducted operations on five continents, and have proven their ability to meet the most demanding client needs" and that the company has the "ability to manage highly-classified contracts." CCG, the site said, "is uniquely positioned to deliver services that no other company can, and can deliver results in the most remote areas with little or no outside support." Among the services advertised were "Intelligence and Counter-Intelligence (human and electronic), Unconventional Military Operations, Counterdrug Operations, Aviation Services, Competitive Intelligence, Denied Area Access...and Paramilitary Training."

The Nation has previously reported on Blackwater's work for the CIA and JSOC in Pakistan. New documents reveal a history of activity relating to Pakistan by Blackwater. Former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto worked with the company when she returned to Pakistan to campaign for the 2008 elections, according to the documents. In October 2007, when media reports emerged that Bhutto had hired "American security," senior Blackwater official Robert Richer wrote to company executives, "We need to watch this carefully from a number of angles. If our name surfaces, the Pakistani press reaction will be very important. How that plays through the Muslim world will also need tracking." Richer wrote that "we should be prepared to [sic] a communique from an affiliate of Al-Qaida if our name surfaces (BW). That will impact the security profile." Clearly a word is missing in the e-mail or there is a typo that leaves unclear what Richer meant when he mentioned the Al Qaeda communiqué. Bhutto was assassinated two months later. Blackwater officials subsequently scheduled a meeting with her family representatives in Washington, in January 2008.

Through Total Intelligence and the Terrorism Research Center, Blackwater also did business with a range of multinational corporations. According to internal Total Intelligence communications, biotech giant Monsanto—the world's largest supplier of genetically modified seeds—hired the firm in 2008–09. The relationship between the two companies appears to have been solidified in January 2008 when Total Intelligence chair Cofer Black traveled to Zurich to meet with Kevin Wilson, Monsanto's security manager for global issues.

After the meeting in Zurich, Black sent an e-mail to other Blackwater executives, including to Prince and Prado at their Blackwater e-mail addresses. Black wrote that Wilson "understands that we can span collection from internet, to reach out, to boots on the ground on legit basis protecting the Monsanto [brand] name.... Ahead of the curve info and insight/heads up is what he is looking for." Black added that Total Intelligence "would develop into acting as intel arm of Monsanto." Black also noted that Monsanto was concerned about animal rights activists and that they discussed how Blackwater "could have our person(s) actually join [activist] group(s) legally." Black wrote that initial payments to Total Intelligence would be paid out of Monsanto's "generous protection budget" but would eventually become a line item in the company's annual budget. He estimated the potential payments to Total Intelligence at between $100,000 and $500,000. According to documents, Monsanto paid Total Intelligence $127,000 in 2008 and $105,000 in 2009.

Reached by telephone and asked about the meeting with Black in Zurich, Monsanto's Wilson initially said, "I'm not going to discuss it with you." In a subsequent e-mail to The Nation, Wilson confirmed he met Black in Zurich and that Monsanto hired Total Intelligence in 2008 and worked with the company until early 2010. He denied that he and Black discussed infiltrating animal rights groups, stating "there was no such discussion." He claimed that Total Intelligence only provided Monsanto "with reports about the activities of groups or individuals that could pose a risk to company personnel or operations around the world which were developed by monitoring local media reports and other publicly available information. The subject matter ranged from information regarding terrorist incidents in Asia or kidnappings in Central America to scanning the content of activist blogs and websites." Wilson asserted that Black told him Total Intelligence was "a completely separate entity from Blackwater."

Monsanto was hardly the only powerful corporation to enlist the services of Blackwater's constellation of companies. The Walt Disney Company hired Total Intelligence and TRC to do a "threat assessment" for potential film shoot locations in Morocco, with former CIA officials Black and Richer reaching out to their former Moroccan intel counterparts for information. The job provided a "good chance to impress Disney," one company executive wrote. How impressed Disney was is not clear; in 2009 the company paid Total Intelligence just $24,000.

Total Intelligence and TRC also provided intelligence assessments on China to Deutsche Bank. "The Chinese technical counterintelligence threat is one of the highest in the world," a TRC analyst wrote, adding, "Many four and five star hotel rooms and restaurants are live-monitored with both audio and video" by Chinese intelligence. He also said that computers, PDAs and other electronic devices left unattended in hotel rooms could be cloned. Cellphones using the Chinese networks, the analyst wrote, could have their microphones remotely activated, meaning they could operate as permanent listening devices. He concluded that Deutsche Bank reps should "bring no electronic equipment into China." Warning of the use of female Chinese agents, the analyst wrote, "If you don't have women coming onto you all the time at home, then you should be suspicious if they start coming onto you when you arrive in China." For these and other services, the bank paid Total Intelligence $70,000 in 2009.

TRC also did background checks on Libyan and Saudi businessmen for British banking giant Barclays. In February 2008 a TRC executive e-mailed Prado and Richer revealing that Barclays asked TRC and Total Intelligence for background research on the top executives from the Saudi Binladin Group (SBG) and their potential "associations/connections with the Royal family and connections with Osama bin Ladin." In his report, Richer wrote that SBG's chair, Bakr Mohammed bin Laden, "is well and favorably known to both arab and western intelligence service[s]" for cooperating in the hunt for Osama bin Laden. Another SBG executive, Sheikh Saleh bin Laden, is described by Richer as "a very savvy businessman" who is "committed to operating with full transparency to Saudi's security services" and is considered "the most vehement within the extended BL family in terms of criticizing UBL's actions and beliefs."

In August Blackwater and the State Department reached a $42 million settlement for hundreds of violations of US export control regulations. Among the violations cited was the unauthorized export of technical data to the Canadian military. Meanwhile, Blackwater's dealings with Jordanian officials are the subject of a federal criminal prosecution of five former top Blackwater executives. The Jordanian government paid Total Intelligence more than $1.6 million in 2009.

Some of the training Blackwater provided to Canadian military forces was in Blackwater/TRC's "Mirror Image" course, where trainees live as a mock Al Qaeda cell in an effort to understand the mindset and culture of insurgents. Company literature describes it as "a classroom and field training program designed to simulate terrorist recruitment, training, techniques and operational tactics." Documents show that in March 2009 Blackwater/TRC spent $6,500 purchasing local tribal clothing in Afghanistan as well as assorted "propaganda materials—posters, Pakistan Urdu maps, etc." for Mirror Image, and another $9,500 on similar materials this past January in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

According to internal documents, in 2009 alone the Canadian military paid Blackwater more than $1.6 million through TRC. A Canadian military official praised the program in a letter to the center, saying it provided "unique and valid cultural awareness and mission specific deployment training for our soldiers in Afghanistan," adding that it was "a very effective and operationally current training program that is beneficial to our mission."

This past summer Erik Prince put Blackwater up for sale and moved to Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates. But he doesn't seem to be leaving the shadowy world of security and intelligence. He says he moved to Abu Dhabi because of its "great proximity to potential opportunities across the entire Middle East, and great logistics," adding that it has "a friendly business climate, low to no taxes, free trade and no out of control trial lawyers or labor unions. It's pro-business and opportunity." It also has no extradition treaty with the United States.
http://www.thenation.com/article/154739/blackwaters-black-ops?page=full

I can't seem to dig up these documents referred to throughout the article though. Hopefully they will be uncensored and released for publicly scrutinized.
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09-28-2010, 08:00 AM,
#5
RE: A Privately Owned Tax Funded Military - Blackwater/XE, IPOA Outsourced Recruitment
Ignore the anti-US sentiment by AP NYT and RAW Story - we're past that right? Allowing a private military / mercanry force that goes to the highest bidder that is funded and built upon by taxpayer dollars and has access to government and military technology is the primary issue here
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10-31-2010, 12:40 PM,
#6
RE: A Privately Owned Tax Funded Military - Blackwater/XE, IPOA Outsourced Recruitment
No Longer up on the tracker but very relevant - more than ever now.

PBSFrontline - Private Warriors (2003)
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/warriors/

"We cannot continue to rely on our military in order to achieve the national security objectives we've set. We've got to have a civilian national security force that's just as powerful, just as strong, just as well-funded." ~Barry Sotero


The Top 100 Private Contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan, 2004–2006

This is the top 10 and ONLY the above board ones for 2004-2006:

* Unidentified Foreign Entities $20,435,870,190
1 KBR Inc (formerly known as Kellogg Brown and Root) $16,059,282,020
2 DynCorp International (Veritas Capital) $1,838,156,100
3 Washington Group International Inc $1,044,686,850
4 IAP Worldwide Services Inc (Cerberus Capital Management LP) $901,973,910
5 Environmental Chemical Corp $899,701,070
6 L-3 Communications Holdings Inc $853,535,680
7 Fluor Corp $736,853,200
8 Perini Corp $720,859,110
9 Orascom Construction Industries (OCI) $617,089,510
10 Parsons Corp $579,265,450
11 First Kuwaiti General Trading And Contracting Company Wll $495,404,500
12 Blackwater USA $485,149,590
13 Tetra Tech Inc $362,107,010
14 AMEC PLC $317,171,280

SOURCE: http://projects.publicintegrity.org/WOWII/database.aspx?act=toponehundredcontractors

The building of a Private Army, Money Laundering and/or Crony Corporate "Reconstruction" Projects.
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01-11-2011, 08:06 PM,
#7
Blackwater-linked firm wins WB deal
Quote:The US government has awarded a new contract to a company closely associated with the former Blackwater security firm, notorious for arbitrary killing of Iraqi civilians.


The five-year security contract awarded by the US State Department to the International Solutions (IS) is worth more than $84 million.

In a PressTV interview, Larry Birns, a member of the Council of Hemispheric Affairs, said they (Xe Services) have the blood of a lot of civilians on their hands, as well as all sorts of unsavory incidents that happened.”

"Blackwater did it. If you have committed these acts, the redemption shouldn't be that easy. It shouldn't be just a number of months passed and you are back in business again," Birns added.

He went on to add that the Blackwater became synonymous with all of the excesses and improper procedures and policies and double billing and building equipment that dissolve within a week. “The scandals were so numerous.”

The International Solutions is to provide protective security services for US government representatives in the Israel-occupied West Bank.

The firm is a close associate of the Xe Services, formerly known as Blackwater, which changed its name after the Iraqi government refused to renew the company's operating license.

The leakage of documents regarding the US-led war in Iraq showed that Blackwater employees killed 10 Iraqi civilians and wounded seven others. But Blackwater is most notorious for the Nisoor Square massacre, in which 17 Iraqi civilians were killed. A third instance of its shootings occurred while Blackwater forces were guarding US diplomats.

An expert with the Executive Intelligence Review Jeffrey Steinberg says, “When you hire a private contractor and all of their people are effectively functioning as paid mercenaries, then they are not going to put their lives on the line and why should they?.”

He emphasizes that their job is nothing more than that. “

“And they are in it for the money. Because in a rotten economy, it happens that these private security jobs in combat zones are paying an enormous amount of money,” he added.

Xe Services currently remains the largest of the State Department's three private security contractors.

International Solutions, on the other hand, is a joint venture between a company called Kaseman, whose board of directors is stacked with former State Department and CIA officials, and US Training Center, a former Blackwater affiliate that apparently still employs many of its former operatives.

Despite its legal troubles, at least 90% of the revenues reported by Blackwater-associate companies come from US government contracts.

http://www.presstv.ir/detail/159620.html
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05-27-2011, 06:14 AM,
#8
RE: A Privately Owned Tax Funded Military - Blackwater/XE, IPOA Outsourced Recruitment
Quote:Blackwater Founder Forms Secret Army for the United Arab Emirates

Erik Prince, the founder of Blackwater Worldwide, has been hired to assemble a force of foreign troops in the United Arab Emirates, according to a variety of sources.

Colombians had entered the United Arab Emirates posing as construction workers. In fact, they were soldiers for a secret American-led mercenary army being built by Erik Prince, the billionaire founder of Blackwater Worldwide, with $529 million from the oil-soaked sheikdom.

Prince was hired by the crown prince of Abu Dhabi to put together an 800-member battalion of foreign troops for the U.A.E., according to former employees on the project and corporate documents.

The Colombians, along with South African and other foreign troops, are trained by retired American soldiers and veterans of the German and British special operations units and the French Foreign Legion, according to the former employees and American officials.

Legal experts and government officials said some of those involved with the battalion might be breaking federal laws that prohibit American citizens from training foreign troops if they did not secure a license from the State Department.

Blackwater (which renamed itself Xe Services ) paid $42 million in fines last year for training foreign troops in Jordan and other countries over the years.

Mr. Prince’s new company, Reflex Responses, obtained another multimillion-dollar contract to protect a string of planned nuclear power plants and to provide cybersecurity. He hopes to earn billions more, the former employees said, by assembling additional battalions of Latin American troops for the Emiratis and opening a giant complex where his company can train troops for other governments.

At Blackwater, which had collected billions of dollars in security contracts from the United States government, he had hoped to build an army for hire that could be deployed to crisis zones in Africa, Asia and the Middle East.

He has worked with the Emirati government on various ventures in the past year, including an operation using South African mercenaries to train Somalis to fight pirates.

Thor Global Enterprises, a company on the Caribbean island of Tortola specializing in “placing foreign servicemen in private security positions overseas,” according to a contract signed last May.

Reflex Responses (R2) is an Emirati company it might not need State Department authorization for its activities but any Americans working on the project might run legal risks if they did not get government approval to participate in training the foreign troops.

R2 recruited a platoon of South African mercenaries, including some veterans of Executive Outcomes, a South African company notorious for suppressing rebellions against African strongmen in the 1990s.

The original goal was for the 800-man force to be ready by March 31; recently, former employees said, the battalion’s size was reduced to about 580 men.
Full Story: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/05/15/world/middleeast/15prince.html
http://publicintelligence.net/state-department-investigating-legality-of-erik-princes-uae-private-army/
http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/4144461c-7f20-11e0-b239-00144feabdc0.html
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11-07-2011, 12:30 PM,
#9
RE: A Privately Owned Tax Funded Military - Blackwater/XE, IPOA Outsourced Recruitment
The APPF transition is clearly dragging its heels.

Quote:NATO is increasing resources to try get Afghans ready to take over from security firms

NATO is pouring extra resources to set up an Afghan force to take over from private security firms after a report showed the Afghans are unlikely to be ready for the planned disbanding of private security companies in March, officials said Wednesday.

According to a U.S. government report released last month, the new force — called the Afghan Public Protection Force, or APPF — is short about 18,600 of the 25,000 guards needed to take over all the work currently performed by privately contracted guards.

Only about 615 guards have graduated
from training programs, which were meant to turn out 500 guards every three weeks. The training programs have been hampered by a shortage of resources, insufficient infrastructure and health challenges, according to the report.

Recruitment has also been slow. All of the newly trained guards were previously working as private contractors, even though the plan calls for at least 11,000 recruits from outside of these companies.

The report concluded the APPF “is not on track to assume the responsibilities for security services” by the March 2012 target.

...
http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia-pacific/nato-is-increasing-resources-to-try-get-afghans-ready-to-take-over-from-security-firms/2011/11/02/gIQAkLSPfM_story.html

The following report from 2009 speaks of closed door meetings to internationally regulate the powers of Private Security Companies (PSCs) and the failure to do so in Afghanistan as a case study focal to the report.

The Public Cost of Private Security in Afghanistan

.pdf   CIC - The Public Cost of Private Security in Afghanistan Sept-2009.pdf (Size: 300.2 KB / Downloads: 101)
Source URL: http://www.cic.nyu.edu/staff/docs/bah/sherman/sherman_pubcost.pdf

Quote:Industry Talk: Report Details Problems For The PSC Replacing ‘Afghan Public Protection Force’

Asked if he would be forced to end contracts if the situation was not resolved, one development company official said, “Absolutely.”
“We apply what we call the son and daughter standard,” said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to avoid alienating American and Afghan government officials. “Would we send our sons and daughters out there to do this work, and the answer is no.”


Boy, who couldn’t see this one coming? lol Of course Afghanistan is not able to put together this Afghan Public Protection Force. As you all remember, this was the force that was supposed to replace private security forces in Afghanistan.

As that quote up top hints at, this APPF concept is not exactly giving all of the aid and development groups the confidence they require in order to send ‘their sons and daughters’ to Afghanistan. I wouldn’t trust my life in the hands of such a force, even if half of this report is true. This quote below is what perked me up:

The assessment makes it clear that much work needs to be done. Of 166 “essential” criteria to determine if the government was able to recruit, train and sustain the guard force, less than a third could be fully met, the assessment found. Sixty-three of the measurements could not be met at all.
http://feraljundi.com/3727/industry-talk-report-details-problems-for-the-psc-replacing-afghan-public-protection-force/

It appears that this APFF solution was rigged to fail. Forcing the adoption of a private security force. The author suggests that a solution can be met halfway with some measure of accountability for the PSCs

Quote:... Really? So here is my suggestion. Private industry is really the only solution here, and the Afghans need to face reality, or everyone is going to pack up and leave. And that is a lot of money and projects just going out the door.

My suggestion is to implement a license and bonded PSC system. Streamline the licensing process, and tell the companies to put their money where their mouth is if they want to operate. If they violate the contract, then they are fined via the surety bond. If they violate the terms of the license, then suspend the license. If they break a law, then prosecute those individuals. But the point is, find a way to work with private industry and do not try to re-invent the wheel. Let the various aid and development groups in country choose what licensed security they want, and focus on managing and regulating that. -Matt

Making the best of a bad situation.

Here's what a Plan B that was suggested by the US back in June.

Quote:Coalition and Afghan officials are tripling the authorized size of a U.S.-funded program to establish local self-defense groups, dramatically expanding a tactic that has proved effective in turning the population against insurgents

Afghan and coalition officials recently approved a plan that would allow the local forces to grow as large as 30,000, Smith said. The original plan authorized a force of 10,000.

The force is currently more than 6,500 recruits in 41 areas and will expand.

The plan resembles the Sons of Iraq, which grew to more than 100,000 and provided locals with the tools and confidence to fend off insurgents. The program was successful because locals could readily identify insurgents and had information on the location of weapons caches. Many of the recruits had been low-level militants and flipped sides.

...

"There had to be a way that the government could be convincing to the people that they weren't just arming a bunch of militias out there," Smith said.

The salaries and equipment, such as vehicles and radios, are paid out of U.S. funds; the forces are mentored primarily by U.S. special operations units. Villagers are armed with AK-47s supplied by the Afghan government and get three weeks of training.

The starting salary of recruits is the equivalent of $120 a month, about two-thirds the salary of a conventional policeman.
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/afghanistan/2011-06-29-coalition-expands-afghan-forces_n.htm

Here is a cable detailing some details of the working attempts of implementation of such a system alongside the APFF.

Code:
Subject    Afghan Public Protection Force Enrolls "fence-sitters": Lessons For Reintegration
Origin    Embassy Kabul (Afghanistan)
Cable time    Mon, 8 Feb 2010 14:31 UTC
Classification    CONFIDENTIAL
Source    http://wikileaks.org/cable/2010/02/10KABUL482.html
References    09KABUL3661, 09KABUL3851
History    First published on Thu, 1 Sep 2011 23:24 UTC
Extras    ? Comments
VZCZCXRO9014 RR RUEHDBU RUEHPW RUEHSL DE RUEHBUL #0482/01 0391431 ZNY CCCCC ZZH R 081431Z FEB 10 FM AMEMBASSY KABUL TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 5445 INFO RUCNAFG/AFGHANISTAN COLLECTIVE RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHINGTON DC RHEHAAA/NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL WASHINGTON DC RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC RHEFDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC
Hide header C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 KABUL 000482 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/08/2020 TAGS: PGOV [Internal Governmental Affairs], PREL [External Political Relations], MARR [Military and Defense Arrangements], MCAP [Military Capabilities], AF [Afghanistan] SUBJECT: AFGHAN PUBLIC PROTECTION FORCE ENROLLS "FENCE-SITTERS": LESSONS FOR REINTEGRATION REF: A. 09 KABUL 3851 B. 09 KABUL 3661 Classified By: ACTING DEPUTY AMBASSADOR JOSEPH MUSSOMELI FOR REASONS 1. 4 (b) & (d); REL US, ISAF, NATO SUMMARY ------- ¶1. (C/REL) On 21 December the Afghan government placed a charismatic former mujahideen commander, Ghulam Mohammed Hotak, in charge of the Ministry of Interior,s Afghan Public Protection Program (AP3) in Wardak province, resulting in an influx of volunteers. ¶2. (C/REL) Ghulam Mohammed and his loyalists are not Taliban, but he has a checkered past and unclear motives -- he was reportedly detained in the Bagram Theater Internment Facility (BTIF) for two years; he has traditionally kept his distance from GIRoA and Coalition Forces; and likely has some ties to insurgents. As GIRoA's support for local security initiatives evolves, we will likely see more such arrangements with erstwhile opponents of the government and/or the uncommitted "fence-sitters" -- locals who are skeptical of ideological insurgents and GIRoA alike, but may provide periodic support to either. Such experiments will offer lessons for the use of GIRoA-controlled local security forces in the reintegration of former Taliban. END SUMMARY GHULAM MOHAMMAD AS TITULAR LEAD FOR AP3... ------------------------------------------ ¶3. (C/REL) Since January 2009 Combined Forces Special Operations Component Command Afghanistan (CFSOCC-A) has implemented the Afghan Public Protection Program (AP3), which is a Ministry of Interior (MoI) effort to establish strictly defensive community security forces. AP3 currently operates in four districts of Wardak Province. Under the program, U.S. Special Forces provide training to young men selected by local shuras to perform static guard duties in their communities. Participants are vetted by MOI and National Directorate of Security (NDS) and are subjected to biometric screening and registration by U.S. forces. ¶4. (C/REL) The 776 current AP3 "guardians" -- out of a planned force of 1,200 -- are paid by MOI and answer to local police commanders. The guardians have reduced IED and rocket strikes, and the additional security they have provided has enabled the Wardak provincial government to open schools, convene public meetings, and reduce travel time by deterring insurgents and criminals from shaking down motorists. The guardians also form a pre-vetted recruiting pool for the Afghan police, to which many aspire to transfer. ¶5. (C/REL) In December 2009, CFSOCC-A and MOI decided to establish a more formal command and control structure for the guardians, having them report to a commander who would in turn answer to the Wardak provincial police chief. On December 21, Wardak National Directorate for Security Chief Shir Takana introduced former mujahideen commander Ghulam Mohammad Hotak to CFSOCC-A officers at a meeting in Wardak. Takana stated that Hotak would take command, of the AP3 forces. While Hotak is not a police officer, he said he would attend the next iteration of AP3 training (scheduled for February 1) and has met with Interior Minister Atmar, Defense Minister Wardak and President Karzai to discuss AP3 since his "selection" by GIRoA authorities. ¶6. (C/REL) Over the past year, Ghulam Mohammad had consistently hinted that he would like to join the ANSF. He had shown interest in the AP3 program as early as November 2009, but initially declined to participate when Wardak Governor Fidai rejected his demand to be permitted to organize an offensive force, not in uniform, that could pursue insurgents outside of AP3 villages. CFSOCC-A attributes his ultimate decision to join AP3 to continuous engagement by ISAF forces and Governor Fidai -- who sought to win him and communities loyal to him over to GIRoA -- and to Hajji Musa Hotak's intermediary role. CFSOCC-A believes that Musa Hotak's position in the government and role in bringing Ghulam Mohammad into the AP3 give him a stake in keeping his brother loyal to GIRoA. ¶7. (C/REL) His titular role as AP3 "commander" notwithstanding, Ghulam Mohammad will receive only the standard AP3 salary ($100 per month with a $74 monthly food allowance). He will be nominally subordinate to Wardak KABUL 00000482 002 OF 002 Provincial Police Chief Muzafaradin, but given his history as a mujahideen commander, his parliamentarian brother Hajji Musa Hotak, and his close connections to NDS Chief Takana, we expect that he will exercise significant informal power. ...AND CATYLIST FOR REINTEGRATION OF COMMUNITIES WITH GIRoA --------------------------------------------- --- ¶8. (C/REL) Ghulam Mohammad's connections and history as a mujahideen commander have helped the AP3 initiative recruit young men from communities of -- fence-sitters -- that have heretofore kept their distance from the government, and have tolerated the presence of insurgents. He and his parliamentarian brother hail from the Zay Wilayaat Hausa area of Jalryz District, Wardak, which has traditionally resisted any association with the Afghan National Police (ANP) and their AP3 auxiliaries. Ghulam Mohammad has recruited 57 AP3 volunteers from Zay Wilayaat and another 110 from the equally recalcitrant district of Nerkh. Among the 110 was at least one self-professed Taliban fighter. Ghulam has traveled to villages across Wardak, explaining the AP3 concept to village elders and eliciting their support. SHADES OF GREY -------------- ¶9. (C/REL) According to CFSOCC-A, Ghulam Mohammad spent two years in the Bagram Theater Internment Facility (BTIF), although U.S. military authorities are unable to find a record of Ghulam Mohammad's purported incarceration or the reasons for it. ISAF forces in Wardak considered detaining him again in recent years, but ultimately decided to work with him and attempt to win him over. COMMENT: TRUST REINTEGREES -- TO ACT PRAGMATICALLY --------------------------------------------- ----- ¶10. (C/REL) Ghulam Mohammad Hotak's path to the AP3 typifies the process by which GIRoA could use local security initiatives to win over and "reintegrate" former insurgents and to bring fence-sitters into closer alignment with GIRoA. Afghan efforts to control community security forces and support insurgent reintegration will have to address former fighters' need for personal security and their desire to continue on in some sort of armed capacity (reftel A) -- or at least secure some sort of remunerative work. Local security forces like the AP3 -- tightly controlled by the Ministry of the Interior, and subordinate to regular security forces -- seem a reasonable "half-way house" where local fighters could help protect their communities and learn the skills and discipline that may eventually enable some to integrate into the regular security forces. ¶11. (C/REL) Interior Minister Atmar's intention is for community security initiatives like AP3 and the Local Defense Initiative (the erstwhile Community Defense Initiative or "CDI") to graduate their alumni into the regular security forces, and to eventually merge with those forces altogether (ref B). We believe President Karzai remains to be convinced of the benefits of LDI and an active debate is underway within the Cabinet. Experiments such as the Ghulam Mohammad case should provide lessons learned as GIRoA grapples with the sensitive questions of whether, how, and how quickly to offer positions in local security forces to reintegrated Taliban. Eikenberry
http://www.cablegatesearch.net/cable.php?id=10KABUL482
There are no others, there is only us.
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11-08-2011, 12:44 AM,
#10
RE: A Privately Owned Tax Funded Military - Blackwater/XE, IPOA Outsourced Recruitment
Triple Canopy's almost as awesome as blackwater... don't have time to elaborate, on a timed library box right now... be back @ the end of the week for more.
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